DynCorp International

Army General & President of DynCorp
Faces 6 Counts of Rape of a Minor

1946DynCorp began in as the employee-owned air cargo business California Eastern Airways, flying in supplies for the Korean War.

One of DynCorp's earliest "police" contracts involved the protection of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and, after he was ousted, providing the "technical advice" that brought military officers involved in that coup into Haiti National Police.

High-ranking members of the Haitian National Intelligence Service (SIN), which had been set up and financed in the 1980s by the US CIA as part of the war on drugs, were involved in the coup, and were reportedly still receiving funding and training from the CIA for intelligence-gathering activities at the time of the coup.

Representative John Conyers (D-Michigan) expressed concern that the only US government agency to publicly recognize the Haitian junta' role in drug trafficking was the DEA, and that, despite a wealth of evidence provided by the DEA proving the junta's drug connections, the Clinton administration downplayed this factor rather than use it as a hedge against the junta (as the US government had done against General Manuel Noriega).

1985 Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia lays down its arms and enters a peace process with the government of Belisario Betancur.

The Patriotic Union is founded to participate in electoral activities.

Within a few years as many as 5,000 Patriotic Union elected officials, candidates, trade unionists, community organizers and other activists have been murdered by Colombian security forces and government-linked right-wing death squads, especially the notorious United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC).

Eight congressmen, 70 councilmen, dozens of deputies and mayors and hundreds of trade unionists and peasant leaders are slain and in 1989-1990 two of its presidential candidates are murdered within seven months.

FARC rearms and seeks refuge in the southeast of the country.

DynCorp expands as part of the paramilitary drug eradictaion efforts in Columbia.

Aerial spraying of glyphosate herbicide, a method of coca eradication reminiscent of Operation Ranch Hand, takes place in Colombia exclusively because of that government's willingness to coöperate with the US in the militarized eradication of coca after signing Plan Colombia in 2000.

In most cases the spraying is carried out by American contractors, including DynCorp, using planes and helicopters to spray glyphosate on coca plantations.

Recently, Boliviana negra, a glyphosate resistant type of genetically engineered coca plant has been introduced, which was found to resist glyphosate herbicides as well as have an increased yield.


2001 DynCorp oversees an aerial fleet of forty-six helicopters and twenty-three fixed-wing aircraft which operated from twenty-three locations spread out over Colombia, Bolivia and Peru.

Representative Janice D. "Jan" Schakowsky, Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations, claims US taxpayers have been funding a secret war that has the potential to slowly but surely draw America further into a poorly understood counterinsurgency conflict in South America.

According to investigative reporter Jason Vest, DynCorp employees are implicated in narcotics trafficking.

DynCorp' day-to-day operations in South America are overseen by State Department officials, including the Narcotic Affairs Section and the Air Wing, unreformed cold warriors, leftovers from 80s operations in Central America.

It was essentially the State Department's private air force in the Andes, with access to satellite-based recording and mapping systems.

Ecuadorian Indians file a class action lawsuit, charging DynCorp recklessly sprayed their farms, causing illnesses and deaths and destroying crops.

Dyncorp develops military logistics centers coordinating "anti-terror" training.

November 2003 Quito's El Comercio, reveals arrangement, hidden from the National Defense Council, making DynCorp a US diplomatic mission.

Exposure of the secret covenant signed by Aeronautics Industries Directorate of the Air Force results in the election of Juan Evo Morales Ayma.

In Colombia, DynCorp's coca eradication led to pitched battles with rebels.

US contract pilots flew Black Hawk helicopters carrying Colombian police officers who raked the countryside with machine gun fire.

DynCorp's "trainers" simply ignored congressional rules, including those that restrict the US from aiding military units linked to human rights abuses.

Over forty years an estimated 40,000 are killed and 2 million displaced as a result of the fighting in Columbia between government forces and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

"Are we outsourcing order to avoid public scrutiny, controversy or embarrassment?

If there is a potential for a privatized Gulf of Tonkin incident, then the American people deserve to have a full and open debate before this policy goes any further." - Rep. Schakowsky upon submitting legislation to prohibit US funding for private military corporations in the Andean region

Dyncorp then became a leading private military corporation, hiring former soldiers and police officers to implement US foreign policy without having to report to Congress.

The push to privatize war began under the Nixon Administration and gained traction during the first Bush administration.

After the Gulf War, the Pentagon, then headed by Defense Secretary Richard Bruce Cheney, paid a Halliburton subsidiary nearly $9 million to study how private military corporation's could support US soldiers in combat zones, according to a Mother Jones investigation.

Richard Bruce Cheney, CEO of Halliburton and Kellogg, Brown and Root, wins billions to construct and run military bases, some in secret locations.

2002 DynCorp, headquartered in Reston, Virginia, is the nation's 13th largest military contractor with $2.3 billion in revenue when it is acquired by Computer Sciences.

Dyncorp "wins the contract" to protect Hamid Karzai.

DynCorp contract is a prime example of how the executive branch unilaterally implements policy by taking shortcuts to the rule of law.

No one knows what DynCorp specifically is contracted to do because of claims that disclosure would compromise proprietary knowledge of DynCorp - protected by the "trade secrets exemption" in the Freedom of Information Act.

"The kind of routine oversight that official military activities would be subjected to are evaded by contractors as a matter of course.

This highlights how the whole phenomenon of privatizing military functions has enabled the government to evade oversight to a shocking degree." - Steven Aftergood

2003 DynCorp won a multimillion-dollar contract to build a private police force in post-Saddam Iraq, with some of the funding diverted from an anti-drug program for Afghanistan.

2004 State Department further expanded DynCorp role as a global US surrogate with a $1.75 billion, five year contract to provide law enforcement personnel for civilian policing operations in "post-conflict areas" around the world.

2006 Remnants of the Taliban, with the support of the Afghan people, begin staging more effective guerilla attacks.

With DynCorp overwhelmed, the American military gets back into the business of opium poppy eradication.

"This new push will destroy the livelihood of poor Afghani people. The killing of Afghans civilians marked as mujahideen will only cause the Afghans to resist the occupation more intensely.

Many empires have invaded and conquered Afghanistan throughout history and all have eventually been defeated.

Western civilization has an opportunity to create prosperity in Afghanistan.

On Earth there is a shortage of opiate painkillers and the Afghans are producing more opium than ever.

Although different factions will always struggle for control of Afghanistan, just as they do everywhere else on Earth, control is less important if all prosper.

Civil unrest always occurs when living conditions are harsh.

Spraying opium poppy crops with 2-4,D (Agent Orange) is not the answer to the Afghan problem.

Prosperity for common Afghans could bring a peace to Afghanistan that could endure for centuries.

Unfortunately those in power can not see that attempts to control Afghanistan with a foreign occupation have failed throughout history." - Athbhreith Athbheochan 11/06

"Afghan peasants grow opium because it is the only crop they can sell for a decent price.

Will we win their hearts and minds by burning their fields or bombing them with toxic chemicals?

Not likely.

How then to deal with this dangerous crop in a way that also will advance our larger objectives?

Buy it - all of it.

Offer a price equal to or slightly above what the drug lords pay.

Offer the peasants protection against drug lords who object.

We are the toughest gang in town, after all.

Refine our purchases into opium to sell (or better, give) to hospitals.

If we have any left over, destroy it.

Keep doing this year after year until we can help the growers find an equally lucrative crop to sustain their meager lifestyles. " - Charles Bell

2007 Washington transferred its ambassador to Colombia, William Wood, to Afghanistan to oversee the application of the Colombian model of counterinsurgency under the guise of combating drug cultivation.

"In 2007 private security guards working for Blackwater and Dyncorp were earning up to $1,222 a day or $445,000 a year.

An Army sergeant earned $140 to $190 a day in pay and benefits, a total of $51,100 to $69,350 a year." - Joseph Stiglitz

Two years later Afghanistan was estimated to account for over 90% of the illegal opium production in the world.

Academi Gets Rich as Afghan Drug Production Hits Record High

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