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"Bombs do not choose.
They will hit
everything."
Nikita Khrushchev
"In 2006, the
DoD employed 2,143,000 people,
while it estimates that private defense contractors employ 3,600,000 workers,
for a grand total of 5,743,000 defense-related American jobs.
There are
close to 25 million veterans in the US.
Assuming conservatively only
two voting-age people per household, this translates into a block of some 60
million American voters who have a financial stake in the American military
establishment.
Thus the clear danger of a militarized society
perpetuating itself politically.
The
selling of war-oriented
policies requires the expertise that only a
well-oiled propaganda
machine can provide." -
Rodrigue Tremblay
"In the past nine years, non-industrial production
in the US has declined by some 19%.
It took about four years for
manufacturing to return to levels seen before the 2001 recession - and all
those gains were wiped out in the current recession.
By contrast,
military manufacturing is now 123% greater than it was in 2000 - it has more
than doubled while the rest of the manufacturing sector has been shrinking.
It's important to note the trajectory - the military economy is nearly
three times as large, proportionally to the rest of the economy, as it was at
the beginning of the Bush administration.
And it is the only
manufacturing sector showing any growth.
Extrapolate that trend, and
what do you get?" - Daniel Tencer 2010
September 18, 1947
Truman
signs the National Security
Act creating the Central Intelligence
Agency and National Security
Council.
Military Keynesianism, as it is now known in academic
circles, was first theorised by the Polish economist Michal Kalecki in 1943.
Michal Kalecki argued that
corporate political
champions tended to bridle against
classic Keynesianism;
achieving full employment through public spending made investors nervous
because it risked over-empowering the working class.
The military was a
much more desirable investment from
an elite point of view,
although justifying such a diversion
of public funds required a
certain degree of political repression, best achieved through appeals to
patriotism and fear-mongering about an enemy
threat - and, eventually, an actual
war - as unused weapons
systems seldom need replacing.
Theories of Military Keynesianism
and the Military-Industrial
complex became popular after the Second World War, and perhaps for a
good reason.
The prospect of military demobilization in the US seemed
alarming.
Elite believe
soaring military spending pulled the world out of the
Great Depression and
feared falling military budgets would reverse this process.
The legitimacy of free-trade
capitalism could be called into question.
1950
National
Security Council drafted a top-secret document, NSC-68.
"The
document, which was declassified only in 1977, explicitly called on the
government to use higher military spending as a way of preventing such an
outcome." - Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler
National Security Council Report 68
(NSC-68) drafted under the supervision of Paul Nitze, head of the Policy
Planning Staff in the State Department is dated April 14, 1950 and signed by
Harry S Truman on September 30, 1950.
[Paul Nitze attended The Hotchkiss
School, where he was a member of the class of 1924 and the
University of Chicago Laboratory
Schools.
He graduates from Harvard University in 1928 and enters
the field of investment
banking.]
NSC-68 asserted:
"One of the
most significant lessons of our World War II experience is that the American
economy, when it operates at a level approaching full efficiency, can provide
enormous resources for purposes other than civilian consumption while
simultaneously
providing a high standard of living".
"Previously administration
officials had encountered stiff résistance from Congress to their pleas
for a substantial buildup along the lines laid out in NSC-68.
The
authors of this internal government report took
a Manichaean view of America's
rivalry with the Soviet Union, espoused a
permanent role for the US as world policeman, and envisioned US military
expenditures amounting to perhaps 20% of GNP.
But
congressional acceptance of
the recommended measures seemed highly unlikely in the absence of a crisis.
In 1950 the fear that [the North
Korean] invasion was just the first step
in a broad offensive by the Soviets proved highly useful when it came to
persuading Congress to increase the defense budget.
As Secretary of
State Dean Acheson said afterwards, "Korea saved
us."
The buildup reached its peak in 1953, when the stalemated
belligerents in Korea agreed to a truce." -
Robert Higgs
"This is military Keynesianism -
the determination to
maintain a permanent war economy and
to treat military output as an
ordinary economic product, even though
it makes no contribution
to either production or consumption." - Chalmers Johnson
"Inevitably, having surrendered
to militarism as an economic device, we will do what other countries have
done: we will keep alive the fears of
our people of the aggressive ambitions of other countries and
we will ourselves embark upon
imperialistic enterprises of our own." - John T. Flynn . |
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