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"Bombs do not choose. They will hit
everything." Nikita Khrushchev
"In 2006, the
DoD employed
2,143,000 people, while it estimates that
private defense
contractors employ 3,600,000 workers, for a grand total of 5,743,000
defense-related American jobs.
There are close to 25 million veterans
in the US.
Assuming conservatively only two voting-age people per
household, this translates into a block of some 60 million American voters who
have a financial stake in the American military establishment.
Thus the
clear danger of a militarized society perpetuating itself
politically.
The selling of war-oriented
policies requires the expertise that only a
well-oiled propaganda
machine can provide." -
Rodrigue Tremblay
"In the past nine years, non-industrial production
in the US has declined by some 19%.
It took about four years for
manufacturing to return to levels seen before the 2001 recession - and all
those gains were wiped out in the current recession.
By contrast,
military manufacturing is now 123% greater than it was in 2000 - it has more
than doubled while the rest of the manufacturing sector has been shrinking.
It's important to note the trajectory - the military economy is nearly
three times as large, proportionally to the rest of the economy, as it was at
the beginning of the Bush administration.
And it is the only
manufacturing sector showing any growth.
Extrapolate that trend, and what do you get?" - Daniel
Tencer 2010 September 18,
1947
Truman signs the National Security Act creating the
Central Intelligence Agency and National
Security Council.
Military Keynesianism, as it is now known in academic
circles, was first theorised by the Polish economist Michal Kalecki in 1943.
Michal Kalecki argued that
corporate political
champions tended to bridle against
classic Keynesianism;
achieving full employment through public spending made investors nervous
because it risked over-empowering the working class.
The military was a
much more desirable investment from
an elite point of
view, although justifying such a
diversion of public funds required
a certain degree of political
repression, best achieved through appeals to patriotism and
fear-mongering about an
enemy threat - and, eventually, an actual war - as
unused weapons systems seldom
need replacing.
Theories of Military Keynesianism and the
Military-Industrial complex
became popular after the Second
World War, and perhaps for a good reason.
The prospect of military
demobilization in the US seemed alarming.
Elite claimed soaring military
spending pulled the US out of the
Great Depression and
falling military budgets would reverse this process.
The legitimacy of free-trade
capitalism could be called into question.
1950
National Security Council
drafted a top-secret document, NSC-68.
"The document, which was
declassified only in 1977, explicitly called on the government to use higher
military spending as a way of preventing such an outcome." - Jonathan Nitzan
and Shimshon Bichler
National Security Council Report 68
(NSC-68) drafted under the supervision of Paul Nitze, head of the Policy
Planning Staff in the State
Department is dated April 14, 1950 and signed by Harry S Truman on
September 30, 1950.
[Paul Nitze attended The Hotchkiss School, where he
was a member of the class of 1924 and the
University of Chicago
Laboratory Schools.
He graduates from Harvard University in 1928
and enters the field of investment
banking.]
NSC-68 asserted:
"One of the
most significant lessons of our World War II experience is that the American
economy, when it operates at a level approaching full efficiency, can provide
enormous resources for purposes other than civilian consumption while
simultaneously
providing a high standard of living".
"Previously administration
officials had encountered stiff résistance from Congress to their pleas
for a substantial buildup along the lines laid out in NSC-68.
The
authors of this internal government report took
a Manichaean view of America's rivalry
with the Soviet Union, espoused a
permanent role for the US as world policeman, and envisioned US military
expenditures amounting to perhaps 20% of GNP.
Congressional acceptance
seemed highly unlikely in the absence of a crisis.
In 1950 the fear
that [the North Korean] invasion was just
the first step in a broad offensive by the
Soviets proved highly useful when it came to persuading Congress to
increase the defense budget.
As Secretary of State Dean Acheson said
afterwards, "Korea saved us."
The buildup
reached its peak in 1953, when the stalemated belligerents in Korea agreed to a
truce." -
Robert Higgs
"This is military Keynesianism -
the determination to
maintain a permanent war economy and to
treat military output
as an ordinary economic product, even though
it makes no contribution
to either production or consumption." - Chalmers Johnson
"Inevitably, having surrendered to militarism as an
economic device, we will do what
other countries have done: we will
keep alive the fears of our people of the aggressive ambitions of other
countries and we will
ourselves embark upon imperialistic enterprises of our own." - John T.
Flynn |
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